Acclaimed by Four Centuries: The Fame of Their Martyrdom

The Seventeenth Century

Within fifteen years of the martyrdom of 1597, various commentators writing and publishing accounts in Europe were already referring to the event.

Despite some errors and confusion as to details – in particular, as regards the name of one or the other of the Five Martyrs, the dates of the slayings, and the mode of their death – the fact that the martyrdom was known and acclaimed beyond the confines of the primitive world of La Florida is truly remarkable. Their sacrifice for the Faith was duly recognized as heroic and genuinely worthy of being equated with the sacrifice of those who through the centuries had given their lives in testimony to the Truth.

The following compilation will indicate the chief chronicles and other historical records which recount the story of the martyrdom, literary works which appeared in Europe during the seventeenth century, that is, in the first hundred years after the Five Martyrs gave their lives in the New World. Our commentary will indicate the more notable errors which these sources may include. From this study it becomes clear that the three Sources which the Cause has accepted as the primary depository of information stand out as the basic founts of certitude in the Cause. As a preliminary observation, let it be noted that the chronicles of the several Franciscan provinces of Spain which sent missionaries to the New World will almost predictably mention in the first place, or even exclusively, the names of members of that particular province. Strictly not a violation of historical methodology, the phenomenon is rather a reflection of justifiable pride in the glorious accomplishments of members of the author's own religious family. Another observation to be made concerns the use of the terms bienaventurados or beatos in the text. This usage is a reflection of the popular esteem in which the sacrifice of the Martyrs was being held. It is worthy of note that the restricting of these terms to those officially beatified or canonized by the Church was not promulgated until the time of Pope Benedict XIV in the mid-eighteenth century.

Recounting the Story of the Martyrdom

Chief chronicles and other historical records

01 - Fray Antonio Daza. Coronica General de N.P.S. Francisco y su Apostólica Orden. Valladolid, 1611 (First edition); 1677 (Second edition).

In the same province (of La Florida) there were rewarded with crowns of martyrdom at the hands of Indian apostates from the Faith, the blessed Fray Miguel de Ocaña, preacher of the Province of Castile, Fray Pedro de Corpa and Fray Pedro de Velasco, priests of the same Province, Fray Blas Rodríguez, priest of the Province of San Gabriel, and Fray Antonio, a lay religious of the same Province. They (were killed) after having preached for two whole years in the Province of Guale and in other regions of La Florida. The same Indians, apostatizing from the Faith, on Thursday midnight, the day of Our Lady, in the month of September of the year 1597, painted as is the custom in that land and dressed in (animal) hides, came covered with feathers, their faces painted, with bows, quivers and arrows, to kill the friars. The first one whom they intended to kill, Our Lord willed that he should remain alive, as a witness to the case. The other (friars) were killed with great cruelty, dragged away and shot with arrows for the Faith which they were preaching.


Daza's account of the martyrdom (here given in translation) is evidence that almost immediately after the slaying of the Five Servants of God, their death was viewed as a supreme sacrifice in testimony to the Faith. First published only thirteen years after the report of the martyrdom had reached Spain, this narrative identifies correctly four of the five friars, and one mistakenly. Listed correctly are Fray Miguel de Añon (here called de Ocaña and Fray Pedro de Corpa, both identified as priests of the Province of Castile; and Fray Blas Rodríguez and Fray Antonio (de Badajoz), identified as a priest and a lay friar of the Province of San Gabriel. The fifth friar listed by Daza, Fray Pedro de Velasco, is said to have been, along with Añon and Corpa, a member of the Province of Castile. All the qualified sources of the story of the slaying clearly name the fifth of the Martyrs as Fray Francisco de Veráscola, a member of the Province of Cantabria. It is possible that the slight similarity of "Veráscola" and "Velasco" may have contributed to the confusion from which resulted the mistaken identification. No source at our disposal lists any friar called Pedro de Velasco as ever having been assigned to the Florida mission. It is difficult to determine now the source of this admittedly minor slip in the information which Daza presents in the matter. Daza refers to the Martyrs as "blessed" (in Spanish bienaventurados). The same usage will occur in several of the texts yet to be examined in this study (where sometimes the Spanish term may also be beatos) in reference to the Martyrs of 1597. This is a popular and non-technical usage of the word. It is to be distinguished from the canonical term "Blessed" referring to a Servant of God officially proposed by the Church as worthy of being honored in a specified locality or in a limited way in the liturgy. For that reason, as used here in its non-technical sense, the term is spelt with a small "b." The meaning is approximately akin to that implicit in the "Beatitudes" promulgated by Christ the Savior, as recorded in the Gospel according to Matthew (5.3-1 I) and Luke (6.20-22).

The Daza account is quite specific in designating the time of the martyrdom, but errs in its suggestion that all five of the Martyrs were killed on one and the same day and in the same place. Trustworthy documents establish the truth that the several slayings took place at four different sites and on different days. Moreover, the one day suggested, "Thursday, the feast of Our Lady in September," presents a further problem. The most prominent feast of Our Lady in the month of September is the ancient feast of Our Lady's Nativity, a feast still celebrated on September 8. In 1597, however, September 8 fell on a Monday and not on a Thursday, the day specified by Daza. Possibly he is referring to some other "day of Our Lady" in that month, though some subsequent commentators unquestioningly cite that date, and up to relatively recent times it was accepted as the true one.

The specification of two years of apostolic labor in Guale would seem to indicate the beginning of that apostolate in the year 1595. While it is true that the year 1595 saw a new impetus given to the Guale mission, evangelization among those natives had a considerably earlier beginning at Tolomato and Tupiqui (scene of the slaying of Corpa and Rodríguez, respectively), as also on Guale (St. Catherines) Island (where Añon and Badajoz met their death). While the implication is probably exact that Añon and Badajoz had been working on that island for only two years, evidence is at hand that Badajoz, as well as others of the Martyrs, might have worked in different missions in Guale for as long as six or eight years The reference to the friar whom the natives intended to kill but who was in fact spared from death at their hands is to Fray Francisco de Avila. At the outbreak of the Revolt he was in charge of the mission at Ospo (Jekyll Island). Wounded and taken prisoner, after months of severe physical and spiritual torture, in June of 1598 he was released. By order of his superiors, he wrote an account of his ordeal, part of which is reproduced in Oré's Relación de los Mártires. Oré does not hesitate to call him a martyr, even though he did not give his life, for by his fidelity to the Gospel and his profession as a friar he gave witness to the truth of the Gospel during the almost ten months he was held prisoner. He is known to have returned to Spain, in the early 1600's, and is said to have passed the remaining years of his life in recollection, and to be buried in the Convento de los Reyes in his native Avila.1

Finally, the explicit statement that the five slain friars were killed by being shot with arrows is not substantiated by the testimony which was later given by the Indians. In all cases the instrument of death was the more brutal and more effective macana, that crude stone hatchet known as the tomahawk used by most tribes of North American natives.

The defects in Daza's account, while not negligible, do not detract from the importance of the fact that, a mere decade and a half after the martyrdom at a remote and little-known area of the New World, a distinguished and well-known author should take cognizance of the event. As the first-known account of the slaying to be published in Europe, Daza's information was quite readily used in later narratives. Later authors will correct his two most egregious errors – the misidentification of one of the Five Martyrs, and his mistaken information about the time and the place of the slayings.

Chief chronicles and other historical records

02 - Fray Pedro de Salazar. Coronica y Historia de la Fundación y Progresso de la Província de Castilla. Madrid, 1612; (Modern reprinting in Cronicas Franciscanas de España, Vol. 6; Madrid, 1977).

Fray Miguel de Añon, a Preacher of the Province, hoping to convert the pagans living in La Florida, went with other confreres of the Province to that land. There he endured many hardships on land and on the seas. By his preaching some pagans were converted (to the Faith). He and his companions were martyred and thus they passed from this life to the reward of martyrdom.


In 1612, one year after the appearance of Daza's book, there was published another work which summarily alluded to the 1597 martyrdom. The chronicle and the history of the very ancient Province of Castile was composed by that Province's Minister, Fray Pedro de Salazar. A distinguished professor of theology, Salazar also held the office of censor (calificador) of the Council of the Inquisition.

Salazar's historical work, directed to an elite audience, is clearly designed to emphasize the values of orthodoxy and traditional piety. It was dedicated to the Princess Royal, the Most Serene Lady Margarita de Austria y de Cruz, professed nun of the Poor Clare Monastery in Madrid. The work abounds in references to caballeros, to las Condes e las Condesas, to various Duquesas. This orientation may help to explain why Fray Miguel de Añon is the only one of the Five Martyrs selected for special mention by name: one remembers that Fray Miguel is described by Oré as being muy noble en sangre, de solar conocido,2 and of him Escobedo says, "he was so well trained in theology that he had a great reputation among scholars."3 The other member of the Province who was slain in the same revolt of 1597, Fray Pedro de Corpa, though in many ways more notable for his part in the story of the Florida mission and the tragic slaughter, does not merit explicit recognition by name. Fray Pedro, who entered the Order and the Province from the fanning community of Corpa, a village a short distance from Alcala de Henares, is presumed to have been of peasant stock.

Not surprisingly, given the title and the thrust of the history gathered by Salazar, the three martyrs belonging to other provinces, likewise receive no mention. Along with Corpa, these friars who did not belong to the Province of Castile are anonymously – and not exactly – described as "otros compaiieros hijos della Provincia de Castilla." While Corpa was "a son of the Province," the three other martyrs belonged to two other Franciscan provinces. This cavalier treatment of the four unnamed martyrs may likely be the consequence of the fact that, though the sto1y of the slaughter in its general outlines may have been quite commonly known to the friars, as yet no detailed account had been written or published; it would still be several years before anything like a complete description, such as Oré's, would become available.

No specific time is defined for the slaughter, and the place of the martyrdom is described by the general and vague term: the land of La Florida. It is clear that the account is neither constructed through the prism of rigorously certain history nor intended to be the definitive record of the event in the chronicle of the Province. More realistically, the martyrdom is remembered as a triumph of the spirit and a glory in the life of the ancient Province of Castile. While as pure history it may fail to be a satisfying narrative, yet it does have a certain power for illustrating the spirit of that venerable province which traces its origin, according to tradition, to the very days of St. Francis himself.

It is significant that, of the thirteen friars mentioned in Chapter XXII under the heading "Some other Blessed Friars of this Province," Fray Miguel de Anon is the only one who gave his life in bloody profession of the Faith. All the other twelve are indeed notable and worthy of praise, whether for a life of mortification, for their spirit of prayer, for their zeal in preaching, for their power of miracles. In a sense therefore the title of "blessed" attributed to these holy friars is most obviously applicable to the martyr among them, for "there is no greater love than this: to lay down one's life for his Friend" (cf. John 15.13).

Chief chronicles and other historical records

03 - Fray Juan de Torquemada. Monarquía Indiana Sevilla, 1615 (First edition); Madrid, 1723 (Second edition); Mexico, 1975 (modern edition in three volumes).

As the Evil One…saw that the friars were an obstacle to his worship, he enticed the heart of a cacique…to apostatize from the faith,…to return to the evil life of his ancestors, to a plurality of wives…He plotted with other young men… to kill the friars…They came to the village called Tolomato, at night, without being perceived…When the friar (Fray Pedro de Corpa) opened the doors of the church, they slew him…and cut off his head…Then the young chief gave a long discourse…(saying) that the reason they had killed that friar was that he prevented them from having a plurality of wives and from following their pleasure…

They then went to where…Fray Blas de Montes (sic) was, to Tupiqui…The friar…began with Christian arguments to dissuade them from their evil intention (and) asked them, since he was about to die, that they allow him to say Mass… and that after his death he would ask them, as his sons, to bury him in the body of the church…As St. Lawrence distributed the treasury of the Church, he divided among the poor Indians of the village the few things he had, and proceeded to say Mas…Mass ended, he knelt…and prayed to God…The Indians came forward…and killed him; and they buried him in the church itself, as he had requested.

The Indians…sent a message to the cacique of the Island of Guale that they should kill the friars…on that island…The cacique of that island greatly loved the friars…; he secretly sent a message to the friars that they should flee to the Spaniards' presidia…The servants who came with that message did not have the courage to give that message to the friars…The friars…said that they would die, as God so wished, that they were happy to accept death for Him and for the preaching of His Gospel…In a short time the Indians arrived at the friars' house and, ransacking it, proceeded to kill the friars…With clubs and macanas they beat on the heads and bodies (of the friars).

Fray Francisco de Veráscola was…a man of great physical strength, for which even the Indians held him in awe…For this reason they (the Indians) looked for a way to kill him after first taking him by treachery…Thus, as he was coming from a distance by canoe or boat, the savages were there, hiding in a clump of reeds; grabbing him from behind, some secured him while others beat him with clubs and macanas. Thus he died. It is believed that, since he announced the Word of God to this people, and serving Him in this holy ministry – for hatred of which the Indians had done this evil – the same Lord, for whose law he had suffered, would have mercy on him; especially since he was an apostolic man, very poor and humble, devoted to prayer and all the practices of virtue.


Of the early accounts of the martyrdom, for many reasons that of Fray Juan de Torquemada (c. 1563-1624) enjoys a special distinction. If nothing else, the very length of the detailed narrative establishes for it a unique place among the contemporary treatments of the slayings. First published in 1615, Torquemada’s Monarquia Indiana was thus in circulation less than two decades after the slaying. A century later it was still in sufficient demand to merit a second edition. A modern edition was published in three volumes in 1975. In the 1615 (the original) printing the story occupies almost four folio pages; in that of 1723 it likewise fills the better part of four folios. With the exception of Oré's account in his Relación de los Mártires, this is by far the most extensive and detailed telling of the events associated with the martyrdom.

Torquemada's Monarquia Indiana is basically a comprehensive account of Mexico's history from the Toltec period (900 AD. to 1200) up to the time of the Spanish Conquest by Hernan Cortes in 1519, and then goes on to include in greater detail a description of all the important happenings in the Kingdom of New Spain during the first century following the introduction of Christianity. That the story of an event in La Florida should be found in a history of geographically distant Mexico is understandable, given the fact that the Florida mission maintained some association with Mexico. In addition, there was a very close linkage between La Florida and Cuba, even if the foundation in Cuba was juridically part of the Mexican Province. Though canonically separate, the Provinces of Santo Evangelia and of Santa Elena shared much in common.

Such interchange between the two missionary entities explains the otherwise unusual fact that – a mere fifteen or twenty years after the slaughter of the martyrs in primitive and disorganized Florida – a detailed description of the event was known in the capital of New Spain, had been digested, and was being proclaimed as significant for the wider Franciscan Order. The martyrdom was seen as a spiritual event of importance in the life of the Province of Santo Evangelia, inasmuch as the Mission of La Florida was its sister-foundation.

In the Third Part of Monarquia Indiana, Torquemada devotes Chapter XX to the Franciscan presence in La Florida, bringing the story up to the establishment of the full fledged Province of Santa Elena in 1612. In a long sub-division of that chapter he recounts the death of the five friars slain in the uprising of 1597. The detailed facts which he narrates lend some strength to the supposition that he had received first-hand reports of the event, not improbably from conversations with one or other of the friars who, having previously spent time in Florida, later took up work in Mexico.

His account is characterized by the exact identification of the four places where the several slayings occurred. He corrects some of the mistaken information to be found in the Daza description (which appeared in Spain at the time this history was being composed in Mexico). Torquemada does not, for example, repeat the name of a non-existent Fray Pedro de Velasco; and he does record the death of the sometime omitted Fray Francisco de Veráscola (whose surname he modifies, calling him "de Velasco"). Though he fails to give the personal name of Fray Pedro de Corpa, he describes that friar's part in the story with considerable detail. Such features of the Torquemada recounting confirm the surmise that for the composition of his account the author had the benefit of a knowing informant.

Some confusion, however, is caused by the fact that Torquemada calls the friar martyred in Tupiqui, not Fray Blas Rodríguez but Fray Blas de Montes. There was indeed, at the time of the slaughter, a friar by that name assigned to the Florida mission; he had arrived in La Florida in September of 1595, Following the slaying of the five missionaries, Fray Blas de Montes was appointed by the Commissary to accompany Governor Canzo on his trip to the region of Guale, charged with the task of gathering any objects which had been in the use of the slain friars and with seeing to the decent burial of the remains of these martyrs.4

The confusion in regard to the surname of the friar slain in Tupiqui can perhaps be explained by the fact that Torquemada, who did not personally know the friars in the Florida Mission, in his writing had already referred, and correctly, to Fray Blas de Montes as one of the friars who had arrived from Spain in 1595. When shortly thereafter in his account he referred to the Fray Blas who was martyred in Tupiqui, mistakenly he may have assumed that it was the friar whose coming he had just noted. The confusion may have been compounded by the practice quite common within the fraternity to use only the religious name of a fellow-friar without his apellido (family surname). it would be an easy mistake to use the surname of another friar named Fray Blas, in that way changing Rodríguez into de Montes. Fr. Atanasio Lopez points out (Relación Histórica de La Florida, I, Page 35, note 2) that almost all the historians of the Franciscan Order base their accounts on Torquemada as their primary source. It is primarily in virtue of Monarquia Indiana, his opus magnum, that Torquemada is best known. His knowledge of the lore of the native races of Mexico as found in the surviving codices and hieroglyphics, and his ability to gather the notable facts of both the pre-Hispanic and the Hispanic periods, make him deserving of the title that has been bestowed on him: "The Livy of New Spain." The modern Franciscan historian, Lino Gomez Canedo, has written that Monarquia Indiana is "absolutely basic for knowledge of both the pre-Hispanic and Hispanic origins of Mexico."5 Its account of the martyrdom of 1597 is a most valuable testimony to the significance of this event for the growth of the Church being established in the New World by Catholic Spain.

Fray Juan de Torquemada was an outstanding figure in the Mexican Province of Santo Evangelia, of which he served as Minister Provincial for a brief period (1614-17). Trusted and beloved friend of the natives, he also guided his fellow religious to a sublime vision of spiritual generosity in the service of the infant Church in Mexico. The Mexican historian, Miguel León-Portilla has drawn a profile of this churchman, stating he "stands out preeminently among the Franciscan friars"6 of his time.

Chief chronicles and other historical records

04 - Arturus a Monasterio. Martyrologium Franciscanum Paris, 1638 (First edition); Paris, 1653 (Second edition)

September 8. In Florida the birthday of the blessed martyrs Miguel de Ocania, Pedro de Corpa, Pedro Velasco, Blas Rodríguez and Antonio, who for the sake of the Christian religion were pierced with arrows by apostate Indians.


Composed by a member of the Recollect Province of Saint Denis in France, Friar Artur de Motier (the toponym refers to his birthplace in the historic Archdiocese of Rauen), the Martyrologium Franciscanum was a truly pioneering accomplishment. Patterned basically after the Martyrologium Romanum which had appeared for the first time in 1584, it too was composed in Latin and was intended for choral usage in foundations of the Franciscan Family. The Franciscan Martyrology enumerated not only the Franciscan Saints and Blessed formally recognized by the Church, but likewise other Servants of God belonging to the Franciscan Family who as yet were not beatified or canonized. The basis for inclusion was that the memory of these holy persons was preserved in the Order: martyrs, pontiffs, confessors, virgins and holy women, who enjoyed a reputation for sanctity of life or the fame of working miracles. Encompassing all the provinces of the diverse branches of the Order of Friars Minor – the Observants, the Discalced, the Recollects, the Conventuals and the Capuchins – Artur's martyrology likewise memorializes members of the Order of Poor Ladies founded by St. Clare, as well as those of the Third Order of St. Francis, both Regular and Secular. In retrospect, the compilation was an undertaking of herculean proportions.

So greatly appreciated and accepted was Artur's Martyrologium Franciscanum, that in 1653, just fifteen years after its first appearance, a second edition was issued. This second edition – of more than 500 pages – introduced some corrections and changes, none of which however affected the proclamation of the Florida martyrs of 1597. In both the 1638 and the 1653 editions the wording of the proclamation for those now known as the Martyrs of Georgia is identical. The critical apparatus in the footnote gives as sources Daza (vide supra 1) and Salazar (supra 2). In the later edition the sources cited in the footnote are expanded with a reference to the martyrdom of other friars in Florida recalled on May 12. The footnote is further expanded in the second edition with a tribute to the zeal of the brethren laboring in La Florida after the martyrdom of 1597. It points out that the mission, restored after the Revolt of the natives, grew to become, first, a custody and then, by decree of the General Chapter of the Order held in Rome in 1612, an independent province. The words of the short decree of erection are cited textually. Artur's Martyrologium Franciscanum, of which there have been several editions, and which has been translated into various modern languages, to this day continues to be the official martyrology of the Order. Since the purpose of this present section of the Report is chiefly to demonstrate that, in the first century (1598-1699) following the martyrdom, the sacrifice of these Servants of God was devoutly recalled by the Franciscan Order throughout the world, at this point the later editions of Artur's work (i.e., after 1700) are not noted. It is sufficient, for the time being, to observe that – constantly perfected and enriched through modern research and scholarship – the awareness of the Five Martyrs of Georgia has not ceased to be proclaimed in the oratories of the Order and to live in the memory of the members of the Franciscan Family. Some details of Artur's encomium as it appears in the original (1638) edition and repeated in the second (1653) edition are worthy of note. The martyrs are referred to as "blessed" (Beatorum), in a usage that was then non-technical, antedating the decree of Pope Benedict XIV restricting the word to those holy persons formally beatified by the Church. Yet it does express the popular concept that such persons are worthy of the reward of eternal life. September 8 is assigned as the date of the martyrdom – making explicit Daza's "day of Our Lady" as the traditional feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Mother of God. Implicitly all five Servants of God are said to have died on the one and same day. From Daza is taken also the equally gratuitous and erroneous affirmation that the death of the five friars was the result of their being shot with arrows. As in Daza, so also here, Fray Miguel is identified as "de Ocania,” a designation which may be intended as "de Añon.” Artur's dependence on Daza is further illustrated by his listing the name of Fray Miguel in the first place among the five martyrs, and following the exact sequence of the names as used in Daza. Another trace of his dependence on Daza is the listing of Fray Pedro de Velasco, whose name is unknown in any of the juridical accounts of the martyrdom, as indeed in any known source of the history of the Florida mission; as in Daza, this name appears in place of that of Fray Francisco de Veráscola. A high-German version of Artur's Martyrologium Franciscanum was published at Würtzburg in 1644, six years after the appearance of the Latin original in Paris, less than fifty years after the martyrdom of the five friars in the New World. The work of P. Wolfgang Hagner, a friar of the Strassburg Province of Saint Denis, it is essentially a popularization of Artur's work, reproducing the main text and omitting the footnotes. In the one-sentence proclamation about the Georgia Martyrs, it reproduces the summary contained in the original under date of September 8. The Franciscanerisches Martyrologium seemingly was intended principally for the use of nuns and pious lay persons in private devotion.

Chief chronicles and other historical records

05- Fr. Fortunatus Hueberus (Weber). Menologium seu…lluminatio…Sanctorum…Beatorum et…Famulorum…Dei…ex Triplice Ordine…per modum Martyrologii…Munich, 1698.

In this extended compilation of illustrious Franciscan lives, the author, a member of the Reformed Franciscan Province of Bavaria, recounts the story of the martyrdom of the Servants of God under date of September 8. Citing Artur and Daza as his sources, he follows the story as already promulgated by them: the version which was becoming the standard source of knowledge of the affair. The same mistakes are repeated, such as including among the Five Martyrs the name of the non-existent Fray Pedro de Velasco. Assigning the martyrdom to Thursday, September 8, the account perpetuates the already noted error of time and the implied indication that all five friars died in the same place. Adding nothing essential to the account as already standardized, the author does however present a glowing summary of the subsequent growth of the Province of Santa Elena, the establishment of which by the General Chapter of 1612 he duly notes. In an individual touch, the author concluded with an original couplet, containing a felicitous pun on the name "Florida":

lnsula Divitiis nunquam tam Florida luxit
Quam dum Martyrii germina tanta tulit.

See above, 78, n.2.

See above, 59.

Escobedo, fol. 13 7b.

See above, 96.

5Lino Gómez Canedo, "Franciscans in the Americas: A Comprehensive View," in Franciscan Presence in the Americas, ed. Francisco Morales (Potomac, MD: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1983) 38.

Miguel León-Portilla, "An Aztec Laud in Praise of Some Famous Franciscans," in Franciscan Presence, ed. Morales, 462.

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The First Georgia Missions: Our Southern Catholic Heritage, Dr. Paul Thigpen and Katherine Ragan. Illustrations by Pamela Gardner, based on the retablo by Dan Nichols. This retablo is part of the parish patrimony of Our Lady of the Mountains Catholic Church in Jasper, Georgia

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